Thursday, July 2, 2020

On Tech: New ‘TV’ is a lot like TV

Home entertainment today isn't all that different from the time of VHS tapes.

New ‘TV’ is a lot like TV

Alex Moy

On Tech is taking a break on Friday. See you on Monday.

When I was growing up, my home entertainment options were the three VHS tapes my family owned or whatever bad sitcom was on. (Kids, ask the nearest old person to explain VHS tapes.)

I’m not nostalgic for the old days. But as home entertainment is being dragged into the digital world, I’m struck by how many holdovers have stuck around.

Sure, the internet changed everything. But also, has it?

Netflix changed how we watch, but not so much what we watch. YouTube is among the companies selling an internet equivalent of cable TV, now approaching cable-like prices. And when there were sports, Amazon’s game webcasts weren’t much different from what I watched on my family’s TV set.

Instagram and Uber feel fundamentally different from photo albums or taxis. And the new TV is way better than the old, but the shift in home entertainment has been a grinding evolution rather than a revolution. I wonder, could there be bolder ideas? What are we missing?

On Netflix, you don’t need to watch any bad sitcoms, or you can watch 50 hours in a row of one bad sitcom. It’s glorious. But there are a lot of old conventions there, too. There are “seasons” of shows — a relic from when TV shut down for a summer break. Many episodes last for about 30 or 60 minutes, another holdover from the era of rabbit ear TVs.

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And apart from experiments like one episode of “Black Mirror” that let viewers choose what happened next, not much is internet-y about Netflix except that we watch it over the internet.

During the pandemic, people swarmed to a little company’s computer add-on to host communal Netflix gatherings; it’s made me wonder why Netflix didn’t have the idea first. (Now other companies, including Hulu and Amazon’s Prime Video service, have followed with their own communal watching features.)

Several years ago, YouTube and other companies started offering cable television, but over the internet, and I have no idea who these products were made for. These virtual cable services haven’t been very popular, lose money and are getting more expensive — which will make them even less popular.

There are understandable reasons for most of this. Netflix and most other internet video services grafted existing business approaches or behaviors onto the web. They’re also buying programming in many cases from the same companies that sell stuff for conventional TV channels and theaters.

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I also suspect that there is a failure of imagination. One of the refreshing things about TikTok, Snapchat and even the silly mobile video service Quibi is they are testing unconventional entertainment ideas tailored for people who never watched VHS tapes. It might not work, but at least they’re not parochial.

I know I’m being cranky. I’ll be happily slumped on my sofa this holiday weekend watching Netflix and (probably) the “Hamilton” movie. But I’ll also be noticing that the new watching “TV” still feels a lot like watching TV.

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Facebook and hubris (again)

In Wednesday’s newsletter, I wrote about Facebook’s tendency when confronted with criticism to react angrily, point to its principles and vow not to change. And then, Facebook is usually forced to change.

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Welp. Here is Mark Zuckerberg, Facebook’s chief executive, speaking to employees last week about companies that have suspended buying Facebook ads, according to the technology news outlet the Information:

“I tend to think that if someone goes out there and threatens you to do something, that actually kind of puts you in a box where in some ways it’s even harder to do what they want because now it looks like you’re capitulating, and that sets up bad long-term incentives for others to do that [to you] as well.”

Got it? Facebook won’t cave, because it doesn’t want to look like it’s capitulating to threats.

I understand the sentiment. But Facebook is not a hostage negotiator, and advertisers pressuring the company to do more about online vitriol are not hostage takers. (The company’s executives have been communicating with the unhappy advertisers, so Facebook’s view may have softened in the last week.)

I share some of Zuckerberg’s skepticism that what these boycotting advertisers want most is a pat on the back for appearing to take a stand against a company with a tarnished reputation. (Check out, for example, the latest column by Charlie Warzel, an Opinion writer for The New York Times, about Facebook being beyond reform.)

Facebook has millions of mostly small advertisers, and this temporary boycott from hundreds of big name advertisers will barely make a dent in Facebook’s sales numbers.

That doesn’t mean their actions won’t hurt. A publicized boycott against Facebook further stains its reputation.

Facebook does itself no good by again going into defensive mode when it’s confronted with criticism. Zuckerberg could say instead that he values the input of Facebook’s customers — and then actually take their criticism to heart.

Before we go …

  • Tech CEOs are (probably virtually) coming to Washington: The bosses of Google, Facebook, Amazon and Apple have agreed to testify in front of a congressional panel investigating the power of big technology companies, my colleague David McCabe reports. Hearings like this can be maddening sessions of executives ducking questions and politicians grandstanding, but I still want to see what happens with this one.
  • The harm of enforced secrecy: Companies in technology (and other industries) regularly require employees and departing workers to keep silent about any problems with their employers. The tech publication Protocol looked at how these nondisclosure agreements are insulating companies from a public discussion about racism and discrimination in the workplace.
  • TikTok behind bars: Wired has an interesting look at people in prison who — despite bans on cellphones — are posting videos on TikTok showing mundane glimpses of their lives, like the creation of a makeshift water heater, and in some cases trying to publicize their fears about dangerous living conditions.

Hugs to this

My colleague Charlie Warzel started a Twitter thread of dogs (and some cats) wistfully resting their chins on inanimate objects. They are so adorable. (This dog with his chin on a hammock might be my favorite.)

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Wednesday, July 1, 2020

On Tech: Bogus ideas have superspreaders, too

Internet companies should treat people with big followings differently.

Bogus ideas have superspreaders, too

Yoshi Sodeoka

If the Rock encouraged his 58 million Facebook followers to vandalize a fast-food restaurant, Facebook’s policies would treat it the same as if your neighbor blasted this to his 25 friends. President Trump’s tweets can subject people to relentless harassment, but Twitter applies the same (or even looser) rules to his account as to ours.

This past week (and forever), internet companies have been trying to figure out how to handle posts that can encourage violence, contribute to social division and harassment, or spread false information about elections or other high-stakes topics.

When online companies make these decisions, they largely consider the substance of the message, divorced from the messenger, to decide whether a post is harmful and should be deleted or hidden.

But whether they intend it or not, celebrities, politicians and others with large online followings can be superspreaders — not of the coronavirus but of dangerous or false information. And I wonder whether these prominent people need to be held to stricter rules.

When bogus information moves from fringe corners of the internet into mainstream discussions, it’s usually because prominent people helped it get there. Last year, a creepy online hoax called the “Momo challenge” went big after Kim Kardashian posted about it on Instagram. Physicians with many internet followers helped fan a false conspiracy about the origins of the coronavirus.

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It would be helpful to break the chain of transmission for these bogus information superspreaders. I admit, this alone won’t fill the internet with happy rainbows, and I’m not sure how this would work practically. But here are a few ideas:

What if once you reach a half-million followers or subscribers, if you share something that fact checkers deem a hoax, or if you post something that brushes close to the internet companies’ existing rules against hate speech, you get a strike against you? (YouTube has a system like this.)

If you collect enough strikes, the punishment could be lower distribution in Facebook’s feed, for example, or you could be blocked from retweets.

These influential people might still be free to post whatever they want online, but fewer people would see it. Yes, that would go for political figures like Mr. Trump. (People who study misinformation say that you can say what you want online, but the internet companies don’t have to spread your message to the world.)

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A more radical idea is that once people reach the top tier of follower counts or subscribers on Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, any material they try to post would be quarantined and screened before it hits the internet.

I know. This makes me uneasy, too. There is some precedent for this, though. YouTube has a “preferred” tier of videos that people screen before deeming them safe for commercial messages.

In fact, the internet companies tend to have stricter rules for their business partners than for the rest of us. If a yogi wants to make money from her Instagram account, material that might be typically permitted — vulgar gestures, for example — could exclude her from revenue opportunities.

There’s an awakening that internet companies’ decisions and designs can make online life nastier than it should be. There is no magic wand to fix this. What I’m asking is, whether to slow the virus of nastiness and baloney, we need to consider that some people have more power to spread it than others.

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Facebook’s bad habit

Here’s a funny (but not funny) thing about Facebook: Over and over when the company is confronted by people who say that it’s doing something off base, Facebook shouts that it is correct and principled and will never budge.

And then over and over, Facebook budges.

This happened when Facebook was confronted with suspicions that Russia-backed trolls were abusing the site to stoke divisions among Americans, when there were revelations about a political firm improperly harvesting Facebook user data, and when Indians were unhappy about Facebook’s prefabricated internet.

Each time the company lashed out, denied the accusation or stuck to its guns. And each time, the company was belatedly forced to admit its mistakes.

This has happened so many times, I made a list a couple years ago.

And it hasn’t stopped. After weeks of making principled speeches about its hands-off approach to inflammatory posts by Mr. Trump, Facebook agreed with some of its employees and others who said posts like that don’t deserve a wide berth.

You can see signs of that Facebook hubris, too, in how it initially responded to advertisers that wanted the company to do more to tackle nastiness on the site’s online hangouts.

It’s natural for a company to defend itself, but Facebook has a bad habit of retreating and lashing out when it should be listening. Facebook would create a lot more trust if it took criticism seriously from the start.

Before we go …

  • The reach of China’s surveillance machine: New research shows that Chinese hackers built software to infect and stalk cellphones of the country’s largely Muslim Uighur population even when they traveled outside China. Uighurs long suspected they were being monitored, but my colleagues Paul Mozur and Nicole Perlroth write that groups connected to China’s government were deploying invasive surveillance software for far longer and in more places than anyone believed.
  • “We need to make our tech last longer.” My colleague Brian X. Chen found a great repair guy to fix his busted iPhone camera. And he has advice for in-person help and other ways to keep your electronics running to be kind to your wallet and our planet.
  • We are being watched: In San Diego, sensors attached to streetlights were pitched as a way to track traffic patterns. But law enforcement also regularly accesses the streetlight camera data in investigations, including for possible evidence of vandalism connected to protests against biased policing, according to the investigative news outlet Voice of San Diego.

Hugs to this

Nothing says summer like a bulldog eating a watermelon?

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